Journal of Arboriculture 31(6): November 2005 311 URBAN PARK AND FOREST PARTICIPATION AND LANDSCAPE PREFERENCE: A REVIEW OF THE RELEVANT LITERATURE By William F. Elmendorf1 Abstract. Blacks and Whites are important users of urban parks and forests, and race continues to be an important factor in urban park and forest participation and landscape preference. African Americans, more than Whites, prefer developed facilities and services; Whites more likely than Blacks prefer undeveloped and more nature-based settings. It is also reasonable to assume that racial discrimination can exist in the landscapes of urban parks and forests and affect decision making and participation. Urban forests and parks can be planned, managed, and maintained to foster diversity of racial and ethnic participation and relationships much in the same way they can foster biological diversity among flora and fauna. Today, it is vital for urban foresters and arborists to understand and respond to differences in the participations and expectations of these diverse users. Key Words. African Americans; attitudes; behavior; Blacks; discrimination; ethnic; landscapes; marginality; minority; partici- pation; preferences; urban parks and forests; race; subculture; Whites. , Fern K. Willits2 , and Vivod Sasidharan3 Blacks* and Whites have always been important users of urban parks and forests. There is an abundance of previous research documenting the differences in park participation and preferences of these two groups (ORRC 1962; Lee 1972; Washburne 1978; Edwards 1981; Dwyer 1993; Gobster and Delgado 1993; Floyd 1999; Virden and Walker 1999; Cordell et al. 2002; Shinew et al. 2004). If urban foresters, arborists, and others involved in public landscape management and maintenance are to make urban parks and forests more open, appealing, and safe to all users, they need to understand the realities of the differences among constituent groups and consider them in their planning, management, and maintenance strategies. Floyd (1999) underscored the importance of understanding racial differences and calling them into account in park manage- ment and decision making. He argued that public agencies must ensure that management and maintenance policies promote equal access and use; and that there are, and will continue to be, racial differences in patterns of participa- *The term “Black” or “African American” is defined by the 2000 U.S. Census as “people having origins in any of the Black race groups of Africa.” Throughout this article, the terms “Black” and “African American” are used interchangeably. tion, the style of use, and in the preferences for different landscapes, such as developed or natural. Gobster (2002) pointed out that the realities of ethnic group participation and landscape preferences should be recognized to “avoid negative reactions and charges of inequities.” While Gobster’s admonition refers to the importance of understanding the varying preferences of all ethnic groups, it seems especially relevant to African Americans. For many years, this group was the most numerous and readily identified minority in the United States. Their history of bondage and often institutionalized racial discrimination has led to a distrust of how deeply African Americans views and needs are considered in public policy making, including decisions concerning parks and other public landscapes. African Americans differ from the majority White population in regard to race, ethnicity, and minority status. Racial groups are distinguished by others or by their members primarily on the basis of real or perceived physical characteristics (Floyd 1999). Ethnic groups are set apart by cultural or nationality characteristics (Feagin 1989). Minority groups, because of race or ethnicity, may experi- ence a wide range of discriminatory treatment, including a lower status position in the broader society (Yetman 1985). All three factors—race, ethnicity, and minority status—have likely contributed to differences between African Americans and the majority White population with regard to attitudes toward, and behaviors within, urban parks and forests. This article summarizes extant literature in this area and provides conclusions based on this information. PARTICIPATION OF AFRICAN AMERICANS AND WHITES IN URBAN PARKS AND FORESTS More than four decades of studies help understand the differences between Blacks and Whites in urban park and forest participation. In 1962, the Survey Research Center, a division of the Institute for Social Research at the University of Michigan, surveyed a random sample of 2,750 adults in the United States to gather information about the national demand for various outdoor recreation activities (ORRC 1962). Those authors, in a study using both socioeconomic and racial variables, found that Blacks participated less in outdoor recreation than Whites: ©2005 International Society of Arboriculture
November 2005
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