312 Elmendorf et al.: Participation and Preference, Literature Review Race shows a marked relationship with outdoor activity; Blacks engaged in these activities relatively infrequently. The multivariate analysis shows that to some extent this is a reflection of other differences between Blacks and Whites (income, education, occupational status, and place of residence). Yet, race has a significant relationship of its own to outdoor recreational activity. Black men in particular are much less active participants than White men (ORRC 1962). In a seminal study of leisure participation among African Americans and Whites, Washburne (1978), using data from a California survey, discovered that Blacks were significantly less likely than Whites to participate in undeveloped recreation areas and in activities such as hiking. In a statewide survey of Texas residents, Adams and Thomas (1989) found that Whites comprised 70% of the partici- pants in “appreciative” activities such as wildlife watching, photography, and hiking, while African Americans com- prised 10%. In a public area recreation study, Hartman and Overdevest (1990) discovered similar results. Phillipp (1993) found Blacks focused more on social interaction in parks and Whites more on desired environ- ments when choosing a leisure place. Dwyer (1993, 1994) reported many important differences and similarities in leisure activities between Whites and Blacks. He wrote that Blacks tend to participate more than Whites in team sports but less in activities that take place in natural areas or undeveloped facilities. He also reported that both Blacks and Whites placed a high level of importance on recreation, but Whites had the highest level of satisfaction with parks in their neighborhoods and Blacks much lower. Gobster and Delgado (1993) found evidence that park users, both Black and White, showed many common interests, preferences, and concerns about Chicago’s Lincoln Park. They reported that Whites tended to use the park individually or as couples, while Blacks came in significantly larger groups. They also found that Whites participated more in personal activities such as walking, and that Blacks participated in passive social park activities more than Whites. Floyd et al. (1994) reported a broad pattern of results consistent with earlier studies of Black and White differences in park participation: Blacks exhibited a higher involvement than Whites in team sports, fitness activities, and socializing and voluntary organizations. Floyd et al. (1995) in a study of 1,200 Black and White, male and female, middle- and high- school students discovered that levels of fear (of nature) and desire for urban environments were higher for African Americans than Whites. Cordell et al. (2002), in an analysis of data from the National Survey on Recreation and Environment, discovered that Blacks found many individual recreational activities, such as walking, swimming, and hiking, less favorable than Whites did. In a study of park preferences, Payne et al. ©2005 International Society of Arboriculture (2002) found Blacks preferred that parklands serve a recreation function rather than a conservation function. Further, Blacks preferred organized recreation activities rather than nature-based activities. Gobster (2002) reported that, although all park users shared a core set of interests, preferences, and concerns about Chicago’s Lincoln Park and its management, Blacks were more likely than Whites to engage in passive social activities (e.g., picnicking, talking and socializing, and festivals). Although both Blacks and Whites participated in active group sports, Whites were most involved in active individual sports such as walking and jogging and Blacks in group sports. In a study of Chicago park use, Shinew et al. (2004) reported that Blacks and Whites were significantly different in 15 out of 25 leisure activities. African Americans had a lower preference than Whites for nature-based activities. The authors, in a hierarchical cluster analysis, discovered that Blacks pre- ferred sport/fitness, social activities/interaction, and non- outdoors, while Whites preferred leisure and outdoors activities. PREFERENCES OF BLACKS AND WHITES FOR URBAN PARKS AND OPEN SPACES Past research on Whites and Blacks has shown that these groups, in general, differ in their open space, park, and urban forest landscape preferences. Anderson (1978) found that Whites preferred landscapes of dense forests, while Blacks preferred landscapes representing more open and developed parks. Zube and Pitt (1981) found that African Americans perceived more natural landscapes to be less aesthetically pleasing than developed environments and were less likely than Whites to recreate in them. Talbot and Kaplan (1984) suggested that Blacks preferred small, carefully manicured areas with relatively few trees, as opposed to larger, more densely wooded areas. They wrote that Blacks preferred higher levels of maintenance; more open, formal tree plantings; and higher levels of facility development. Washburne and Wall (1980) reported similar findings. Kaplan and Talbot (1988) found that Whites preferred scenes with dense foliage and overgrown vegeta- tion, but Blacks preferred scenes with paved walks and built structures. According to Dwyer and Hutchison (1990), African Americans preferred more developed facilities and conveniences, while Whites preferred more remote and preserved recreational settings. Similar to their past studies, Talbot and Kaplan (1993) wrote that adolescent Blacks had a higher preference for settings that were carefully mani- cured and relatively open, while Whites preferred more heavily wooded areas with less evidence of human influ- ence. Gramann (1996) and Johnson et al. (1998) discussed that Blacks, when compared with Whites, generally per- ceived natural settings to be less aesthetically pleasing than developed environments and were less likely to recreate in
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