Journal of Arboriculture 31(6): November 2005 313 such settings. Further, Black focus groups preferred recreational settings that were well lit and supervised. Virden and Walker (1999) reported that Blacks and Whites shared similar views towards social-setting attributes (e.g., being by oneself or sharing experiences), but that Whites preferred less management and law enforcement presence and more forested, remote, less developed settings than did Blacks. Gobster (2002) discovered that Whites preferred trees and vegetation, and Blacks cared less about the natural environment and more about facility and maintenance aspects. In his study, Blacks favored more formal landscape designs and greater openness and visibility than did Whites. THEORETICAL ALTERNATIVES Floyd (1998 and 1999) and other authors (Washburne 1978; West 1989; Gobster and Delgado 1993; Phillipp 1995, 1998, 2000; Johnson et al. 1998; Henderson and Ainsworth 2001) have discussed a number of theoretical explanations historically used to account for racial variation in urban park and forest participation and landscape preference. These alternatives include marginality, ethnicity or subcultural variation, and discrimination. Marginality Marginality, as introduced by Washburne (1978), was initially used to explain low levels of African American participation in underdeveloped primitive areas of Califor- nia. African Americans were seen as occupying a marginal position in society because they were alienated from many opportunities by such socioeconomic realities as limited income, education, transportation, health care, employment status, and political representation. Marginality focuses on limited access to resources, usually due to differences in income. It postulates that lower income levels result in barriers to park visitation and use because of the costs of transportation, recreational participation, or both (West 1989; Johnson et al. 1998). The theory also suggests if these barriers were removed, Blacks would participate in and perceive urban parks and forests the same as the majority White population. For example, West (1989) explained differences in park visitation by the availability of automo- bile transportation to Blacks. Ethnicity or Subcultural Variation In his 1978 study, Washburne also explored and introduced ethnicity or subcultural variation. He determined that when controlling for socioeconomic factors, differences between Whites and Blacks in recreation participation could be attributed to ethnic and racial factors rather than those of marginality. Ethnicity or subcultural preference theory postulates that ethnic and racial groups develop as a distinct subculture, one retaining historic values and traditions distinct from the White population. As such, they have different lifestyle preferences; norms, styles, and value systems; practices, attitudes, behaviors; and needs based on their cultural realities and beliefs. These factors help shape urban park and forest participation and landscape prefer- ence (West 1989; Floyd 1999). Moreover, Washburne and Wall (1980) believed that certain recreational sites may be used by some ethnic or racial groups as a way to contrast and set itself apart from others, and that recreation partici- pations and preferences, and the landscapes in which they occur, may play a role in creating, maintaining, and express- ing ethnic or racial identity (Floyd and Gramann 1993; Floyd 1998). Interracial Relations, Discrimination, and Prejudice A number of major outbreaks of racial unrest that occurred during the mid-to-late 1900s in the United States were associated with instances of perceived or real discrimination in urban park and forest settings. The Chicago race riot of 1949 was precipitated by conflict over space at a public beach. The Detroit race riot of 1949 began on Belle Isle, a major public recreation area with facilities for swimming, picnicking, and outdoor sports. Racial frictions over swim- ming rights there developed into riots that were quelled only after the deployment of several thousand federal troops (Shogan and Thomas 1964; Kornblum 1983). Kraus (1968) cited other instances of racial disturbances, including those in Chicago, Cleveland, and Omaha, that were connected with or involved park areas. One of the major issues delineated in the Kern Commission’s report on the urban riots of the 1960s was the need for improved access for all races to parks and other public landscapes (West 1989). Furthermore, West (1989) cited two instances of recreational racism, one in Chicago and one in Dearborn, Michigan, in the form of a city ordinance barring the use of Dearborn parks by nonresidents (i.e., Blacks). More recently, the issues of environmental justice and the promotion of social inclusion in the use and enjoyment of urban parks and forests have been discussed (Floyd and Johnson 2002; Johnston and Shimada 2004). Although historical and current instances of perceived and actual discrimination are believed to be contributory factors restricting Black participation in urban parks and forests, some authors believe they are both underreported and misunderstood (West 1989; Floyd 1998, 1999; Philipp 2000; Gobster 2002). Gobster (2002) wrote, “Discrimina- tion is a serious issue in park management that has begun to receive some attention.” Shinew et al. (2004) believed that despite an increasing Black middle and upper class, “African Americans continue to experience overt and symbolic forms of racism and discrimination.” Woodward (1988) and Blahna and Black (1993) found that racism resulting from on-site or off-site experiences was an important barrier to the use and enjoyment of park ©2005 International Society of Arboriculture
November 2005
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