314 Elmendorf et al.: Participation and Preference, Literature Review landscapes by African Americans. Themes discussed by these authors included (1) on-site experiences of racism from other park users, (2) fear of expected or potential racism, and (3) participation patterns resulting from historical experiences with racism. According to Gobster and Delgado (1993), discrimination decreases levels of satisfaction associated with a park experience by making the person feel uncomfortable, possibly resulting in antagonistic behavior such as overt anger and violence in extreme circumstances. In their study of Chicago’s Lincoln Park, these authors reported that discrimination had affected one in ten minority users. This discrimination included verbal harassment, physical gestures, assaults, nonverbal messages, and harassment from law enforcement officers. Floyd et al. (1994) observed that as perceived discrimination increased, use of public facilities by Blacks decreased. Floyd (1999) discussed the different types of discrimination that must be understood by managers of public landscapes, including historical, current, perceived, individual, interpersonal, institutional, actual, and overt. Discrimination is not always the result of overt racism; it can also result from a lack of knowledge and sensitivity by park management and maintenance personnel toward certain groups; inequities in the quality of park facilities, programs, and services in areas with high proportions of ethnic users; and racially motivated actions (Gobster and Delgado 1993). Gobster (2002) reported that prejudicial behavior of other park users, park staff, and police officers was a problem reported by Blacks in Chicago’s Lincoln Park. In contrast, Shinew et al. (2004) found that within parks located in segregated neighborhoods, Blacks did not fear racial conflict or discrimination because contact with Whites was limited. These authors also discovered in their study of Chicago parks that Whites more than Blacks reported fear of racial conflict, feeling unwelcome, and fear of conflict with other users. They concluded that interracial attitudes could be a result of the racial make-up of park users and the amount and type of park areas used most frequently by certain races. Other Theoretical Alternatives Other than marginality, ethnicity, and discrimination theories, many different ideas attempt to explain the differences between Whites and Blacks in urban park and forest participation and landscape preferences. Meeker (1973) believed that Whites viewed parks as places for refuge and escape, while African Americans viewed natural landscapes as reminders of their subjugation and oppres- sion in an agrarian past. Virden and Walker (1999) discuss the idea that Blacks, when compared to Whites, “are more apprehensive about the possibility of encounters with undesirable or dangerous animals.” Blacks and Whites may have different expectations of park landscapes because of ©2005 International Society of Arboriculture prior personal experiences with such settings (Shinew et al. 2004). As an example, many Blacks participated in fewer outdoor activities (camping, hiking, etc.) during childhood than Whites (Virden and Walker 1999), and they are often raised in highly urbanized environments. A desire for ethnic and group activities by Blacks could be related to security, comfort, and safety. Lee (1972) reported that Blacks created a landscape of homogeneity in parks. He surmised that Blacks sought safety in numbers and created boundary maintenance in perceived hostile environments. In fact, many urban park and forest participation and landscape preference differences, both within and between races, may be related to issues of security and safety (Virden and Walker 1999). CONCLUSIONS Race continues to be an important factor in urban park and forest participation and landscape preference. African Americans, more than Whites, prefer developed facilities and services; and Whites more likely than Blacks prefer undevel- oped and more nature-based settings. It is reasonable to assume that racial discrimination can exist in the landscapes of urban parks and forests and affect decision making and participation. Discrimination should be distinguished as an explanatory variable in research examining urban park and forest participation and landscape preference. It seems likely that that no single theoretical perspective completely explains the bases of racial differences in this area. Rather, all of the sources of constraint described above may impact to a greater or lesser extent on Black and White park users and influence the nature of their park participa- tions and their preferences in park landscapes. Moreover, the importance of these various factors may change across time as income differentials shift; feelings of marginality are altered; subcultural values vary; beliefs and practices decrease or become intensified; discriminatory actions decline or increase; and the opportunities for childhood experiences are expanded for all youth. Continuing analysis of the differences between African Americans and Whites is needed if urban foresters and arborists are to be successful in “providing an environment of comfort and creating welcoming spaces to visitors from diverse backgrounds” (Rodriguez and Roberts 2002). Urban forests and parks can be planned, managed, and maintained to foster diversity of racial and ethnic participa- tion and relationships much in the same way they can foster biological diversity among flora and fauna (Shafer and Floyd 1997). Today, it is vital for urban foresters and arborists to understand and respond to differences in the participations and the expectations of these diverse users. Design stan- dards and plans (location, architecture, density, and types of landscape plantings and amenities); maintenance standards and activities (clearance pruning, vista pruning, tree
November 2005
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