Journal of Arboriculture 31(6): November 2005 323 income were controlled. Other variables, such as access to and distance to urban parks and forests, transportation, interest, and perceived discrimination were not assessed in the current study; hence, the extent to which these factors may have disproportionately served as constraints on Black visitation could not be determined (Floyd 1999). In both the Atlanta and Philadelphia data, Blacks were less likely than Whites to perceive benefits from urban parks and forests. However, these racial differences, while statistically significant, were small, and it would be incorrect to conclude that Whites perceived benefits from parks that Blacks did not. A closer analysis of the individual items used to assess perceived benefits in the current study found that, while Blacks were somewhat less likely than Whites to agree that parks improved overall health, social well being, environmental quality, and spiritual well being, most respondents of both races agreed that parks did provide these benefits. Conversely, few subjects of either race agreed that parks were unnecessary tax burdens, created unsafe conditions, or increased littering. Findings from the current study were supportive of previous research findings in regard to racial differences in landscape preferences. Thus, in the two-factor analysis of variance, Blacks were less likely than Whites to report that natural amenities (streams, lakes, animals, birds, etc.) were important park attributes, and their relationship ap- proached significance in the analysis of covariance (also see Zube and Pitt 1981; Shinew et al. 2004). Blacks were more likely than Whites to report that the presence of recreation facilities, traditional park landscapes, and evidence of ethnic representation/sensitivity were important to them (Lee 1972; Dwyer and Hutchinson 1990; Dwyer 1993; Virden and Walker 1999; Gobster 2002). However, there were also similarities in the degree of importance given to the various landscape preferences. Both Blacks and Whites gave their highest importance ratings to maintenance and security issues, followed by the presence of recreation facilities. Ethnicity concerns, while more important for Blacks than Whites, nevertheless, were among the least likely to be rated as very important by respondents of both races. Other researchers have suggested that Blacks are more likely than Whites to participate in group activities and are less likely to engage in solitary pursuits in their visits to urban parks and forests (Gobster and Delgado 1993; Floyd et al. 1994; Gobster 2002). The current study only partially supported this suggestion. Blacks reported significantly greater participation in group activities than Whites, but the slight tendency for Whites to report more solitary participa- tion than Blacks was not statistically significant, and even that small difference declined when the effects of respondent’s age, gender, education, and income were controlled. Group activities were more common than were solitary pursuits, especially among Blacks. There was no indication that gender, age, education, or income were associated with reported incidence of solitary activities, contradicting the suggestion of Virden and Walker (1999) that women and the elderly are less likely to engage in solitary pursuits because of safety concerns. There were striking differences between Blacks and Whites in their expressed willingness to participate in volunteer activities to help develop and maintain parks in their areas, with Blacks more likely to work without pay to do such things as plant trees, clean up trash, help prevent crime, and work with others to improve the quality of their parks. Floyd et al. (1994) also found Blacks significantly more likely than Whites to express an interest in volunteer- ing for urban park and forest activities. Expanding on a discussion by Shinew et al. (2004), one explanation of a greater spirit of volunteerism in urban Blacks is that neighborhood and volunteer organizations are critical adaptive strategies used by African Americans to negotiate the pressures of a life with limited resources. Another explanation is that volunteer activities are used by African Americans to provide safe and nurturing opportunities for children and others. Volunteerism is a crucial element in community development and stability in many Black neighborhoods. This study also found some differences in the attitudes of Philadelphia and Atlanta residents toward urban parks and forests. Subjects in Atlanta were more likely than those in Philadelphia to report that the presence of park recreational facilities were important and were somewhat more likely to participate in group activities and to express willingness to volunteer to help improve the quality of parks and urban forests. However, these differences between Blacks and Whites in Atlanta and those in Philadelphia did not differ significantly (the Race × city interaction was not significant), suggesting that generalizations about racial differences in urban park and forest participations, preferences, and attitudes were consistent for both of the cities studied and may be relatively consistent regardless of region. Additional research, focusing on other regions is needed to confirm the veracity of this idea. Variables other than race were also found to be impor- tant in understanding urban park and forest participation and landscape preferences. Gender, age, education, and income were all found to influence aspects of urban park and forest participation, landscape preference, and willing- ness to volunteer. Many leisure research studies have discussed differences in participation and landscape preference using these and other variables (e.g. Johnson et al. 1998; Floyd and Shinew 1999). Thus, Hutchison (1994) in a study of Chicago public parks, found that women were more likely than men to be engaged in stationary activities associated with child care and in activities as a family member or as a member of a mixed social group. Men were ©2005 International Society of Arboriculture
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