324 Elmendorf et al.: Black and White Participation and Preferences more likely to participate in mobile activities such as sports and walking, and do so as individuals or with their peers. Women were also more likely than men to see the forest or undeveloped landscape as threatening and expressed preference for park manager presence and developed settings as compared to less managed and more remote natural settings preferred by men (Virden and Walker 1999). The current analysis found gender differences in regard to landscape preferences, with women more likely than men to feel that maintenance and security, ethnic concerns, and traditional park landscapes were important; they were less likely than men to emphasize nature ameni- ties. However, there were no significant differences between men and women in the frequency of park visitation, perceived benefits, tendency to engage in group or solitary activities, or willingness to volunteer for park development and maintenance. Older persons were somewhat less likely than younger persons to visit parks and urban forests, to express interest in natural landscapes, to participate in group activities, and to express willingness to volunteer for park development and maintenance, but age was not related to any of the other preferences, perceptions, or practices assessed. Although respondents with less education were more likely than their more highly educated counterparts to view recreational facilities and traditional park landscapes as important attributes, educational level was not statisti- cally related to park participation and attitudes. As income increased, frequency of park visitation increased and people were more likely to perceive parks as beneficial; increasing income was negatively associated with importance ratings for the presence of recreational facilities, traditional park landscapes, and ethnic concerns. CONCLUSION Considered together, these findings underscore the exist- ence of numerous differences between Blacks and Whites in participation, preferences, and perceptions of urban parks and forests. This study supported a pattern of results that was largely consistent with the findings of previous re- search. However, many of the earlier studies dealt with limited samples and concentrated on a single area, or even a single urban park. By studying Black and White subjects drawn from the populations in two metropolitan areas, the current research broadened the basis of generalization for these findings and suggested that many of these differences persist today and do not vary appreciably across regions of the country. Race continues to be an important factor in urban park and forest participation and landscape preference. African Americans, more than Whites, prefer developed facilities and services; Whites, more likely than Blacks, prefer undeveloped and more nature-based settings. This study also suggested that social motives may drive African ©2005 International Society of Arboriculture Americans more than Whites in urban park and forest use. This was seen in African Americans’ preferences for socially developed landscapes, group activities, and their willingness to volunteer. This study did not directly consider the effects of discrimination on park and urban forest use. It is appar- ent from the literature that this social problem continues to exist. It is reasonable to assume that racial discrimination can exist in the landscapes of urban parks and forests and affect decision making, participation, and preference. The negative impacts of discrimination should be understood and avoided in management and maintenance and discrimi- nation should be distinguished as an explanatory variable in research examining urban park and forest participation and landscape preference. The Black population of the United States increased faster than the general population as a whole between 1990 and 2000 at 21.5% compared to 13%. Urban foresters and arborists need to recognize that Black and other ethnic populations, such as Hispanics and Asians, will continue to increase both in absolute numbers and as a proportion of all residents due to high birth rates, immigration, or both. Ethnic populations represent important and growing users of urban parks and forests. However, the differences between Whites and Blacks, such as those discussed in this study, are distinctive in that they are not simply ethnic assimilation issues associated with new immigrant popula- tions. Overall, the attitudes and behaviors of Black popula- tions in the United States may differ not only from Whites, but from newer ethnic populations because of their long- term presence in the nation, their historical importance as a disenfranchised group that has experienced social discrimi- nation, and their growing political importance, especially in many eastern cities of the United States. Floyd (1999) discussed the assimilation and accultura- tion theories. Cultural assimilation, or acculturation, is a minority group’s acquisition of cultural characteristics of the majority group, such as language, diet, and religion. Floyd described structural assimilation as the extent of social interaction between majority and minority in the fabric of community life, such as family, friends, school, work, and residence. Assimilation and acculturation theories state that greater cultural and structural assimilation leads to patterns of urban park and forest participation similar to the majority group. Floyd (1999) described this theory as important in predicting urban park and forest participation and landscape preference. He also debated the theory, questioning the patronizing and prejudicial viewpoints of theories that assume that these two social phenomena should be both expected and desirable in a growing multicultural environ- ment. It is clear from the results of this and other studies that successful urban park and forest management is not just a matter of cultural assimilation and acculturation. As discussed in other papers, today, with growing ethnic populations, it is
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